Prison Visitors Sniffed by Drug Detection Dogs:This isn’t a Fix

It was barely five months ago that I wrote for Boston Magazine: "By now, everyone has heard about the amazing sense of smell of bomb-sniffing dogs, which we saw on the front lines of the Boston Marathon bombings. But a new policy coming to state prisons that involves dogs trained to sniff out drugs could rattle some cages, and it should cause us to ask: Is Massachusetts turning down the wrong criminal justice path, aiming to fix a problem without getting at its core cause?"

Since then our state has plunged ahead, seemingly oblivious to the fact that while dogs are certainly useful as a way of sniffing out bombs and contraband, when I asked, the Massachusetts Department of Correction (DOC) could come up with no research to support this action. An international study conducted from Australia in 2008 on how contraband gets into prison raised concerns about the effectiveness of random dog searches. Without secrecy, the study says, searches are not as effective, and secrecy is nearly impossible. Searches slow down as soon as dogs are present, and instead of acting as a deterrent, the dogs act as signals that such searches are in process.

11,500 people who live in our Massachusetts state prisons depend on visits from their families to give them hope that, one day, they will have a second chance at a productive life. That means letters and visits can be lifelines for prisoners. “Successful family and community reunification,” is part of the mission of Corrections, according to a resolution of the American Corrections Association.

And the irony of this policy is it assumes drugs are being brought in primarily by vistors to state prisons, a response to a so-called "huge up-tick," per a DOC memo.The DOC's "Use of Nonaggressive Drug Detection Canines" — to assure four year olds that they should not be afraid? to say there is will be no fallout with sniffing visitors in the traps when they enter prison? — says there have been 177 instances in three years and ten months— slightly less than once a week. But Lois Ahrens, Executive Director of The Real Cost of Prisons Project (RCPP), who has mounted a campaign against the policy, says this in "no way accounts for the volume of drugs (and other contraband including cell phones and pizzas) in Massachusetts' prisons."

The DOC is currently recommending dog-sniffing of staff and guards, new on the front burner since I wrote my article in May. But ironically again, these sniffs will begin in November at random sites _Massachusetts has seventeen state facilities — and occur only during visiting hours on the  3-11 p.m.shift. This leaves sixteen hours every day guards are not being sniffed. How is that tackling the problem of guards, staff, attorneys and other DOC employees possibly bringing in contraband?

DOC Spokesperson Terrel Harris said in an email that the DOC found only “seven incidents of employees introducing drugs or contraband into the DOC.” His list was compiled from “a database search for ‘drugs’ and investigations for the ‘introduction of contraband’ and/or ‘criminal conduct while on duty’ for dates 1/1/11 through 3/21/13.”

This seems ridiculously low. There are easily hundreds of incidents nationwide of correctional officers bringing in drugs, cell phones and other contraband, readily searchable online. Nationwide arrests of federal prison guards—in part, for smuggling contraband—increased by 90 percent over the last decade. A Boston Globe editorial put it well: “It beggars belief to think all drugs in prisons come from visitors.” To solve this problem in Massachusetts, Ahrens said in an interview, “there needs to be a real internal investigation of DOC employees, staff, and guards.” Officials insist they have a zero-tolerance drug policy in prisons and that drug detection dogs have sniffed out drugs in letters and packages addressed to prisoners. In 2011 and 2012, the DOC says they confiscated 18 instances of drugs that came in through the mail.

Ahrens decries the idea that these "sniffs" of visitors are harmless. Currently, visitors are sent through a scanner, much like at an airport, and they’re often asked to take off articles of clothing such as shoes, belts, and the like. It’s not uncommon for an officer to inspect the bottom of a visitor’s feet, or to ask the visitor to open his mouth or to go through her hair. Andrea Cabral, Secretary of the Executive Office of Public Safety and Security (EOPSS) said in an interview that “Just the presence of the dog will keep people from bringing in drugs,” or so she hopes. But If the dog “alerts” to the smell of drugs on a visitor and sits, the visitor must consent to a “thorough search” by Department of Correction staff. If not, that person will be banned from entering any DOC facility. Accommodations will be made for those who have allergies or are “dog phobic,” but no one has mentioned what these accomodations are. There is the possibility, if drugs are found, of arrest on the spot.

Many family members of prisoners are not happy with this impending policy. A recent Globe article was highly critical of the plan, and social justice activists launched a letter and call-in campaign which you can find out more about on the RCPP facebook page. Ahrens feels the policy is “demeaning, degrading, and treats the visitor as a suspect, and dogs will make visiting even more cumbersome"—waits can be long. On the DOC website, the original video which showed the whole sniffing process has been shortened to show only a very friendly-looking golden retriever, obviously to make the process less intimidating and to justify the rationale.

A search of the visiting policies on DOC websites in nearby states showed no dog-sniffing policies mentioned in New York, Connecticut, Maine, or Rhode Island. New Hampshire considered dog detection but ultimately decided not to embrace the policy, said Jeff Lyons, Public Information Officer for their DOC, in a phone conversation. Vermont does allow drug-sniffing canines. But certainly, nationwide, there is no consensus. Some states such as California only allow visitors’ cars to be sniffed by dogs—considered less intrusive in an Oklahoma litigated case than sniffs of “bodies.”

Meanwhile, per the Globe and Jim Pingeon, attorney at Prisoners Legal Services (PLS), groups such as the Massachusetts chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union and PLS are discussing suing over this issue. They are currently looking for plaintiffs, especially children who are afraid of dogs, and interested persons can contact Ahrens at lois@realcostofprisons.org.

If Massachusetts wants to get serious on ridding its prisons of drugs, then it better take a holistic approach. Instead of just looking at the visitors, we need to consider the whole picture—a picture that also includes the very people tasked with keeping prisons running in the first place.

Gideon’s Promise and Peril

This Friday, October 11th, Massachusetts has the opportunity to get a two-for-one punch. An all day free conference will take place at Harvard Law School's Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race & Justice called "Gideon's Promise and Peril: Meeting the Mandate for Indigent Defense."

The day includes a showing of the amazing documentary, Gideon's Army, about Georgia law professor, Jonathan Rapping’s Southern Public Defender Training Center, known as "Gideon’s Promise." The film takes us through the lives of some of our hardest working public defenders. With often 150 cases at a time and a salary of not much more than $40,000, they seek to help the indigent get a fair shake in a system that much too often insists on unjust punishment. Filmmaker Dawn Porter examines the difficulties in getting a just trial and fair sentencing when loopholes exist: for example, you more often than not get fewer years if you plead guilty. Only since 1963, have those who cannot afford an attorney been provided with public defenders. These men and women are indeed an army, fighting in an often hellish war. Over 2.2 million Americans languish in our prison. I saw this documentary two weeks ago and it really is must-see for anyone interested in our dysfunctional criminal justice system.

The all day conference also promises an amazing lineup of speakers. I've listed the agenda below and you can register for the conference here. Note the keynote address is by Stephen Bright, President and Senior Counsel of the Southern Center for Human Rights. Their accomplishments include representing those facing the death penalty; ending human rights abuses in prison and improving jail conditions; and making real the Constitutional right to counsel.

Agenda

9:00 – Welcome and Opening

 

9:30 – Stephen Singer, Assistant Clinical Professor, Loyola University College of Law, New Orleans


10:00
– Panel 1 on structural reforms, moderated by Carol Steiker, Henry J. Friendly Professor of Law, Harvard Law School

  • Anthony Benedetti, Chief Counsel, Committee for Public Counsel Services
  • Robert Boruchowitz, Professor from Practice, Seattle University Law School
  • Alexandra Natapoff, Professor of Law, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles

11:00 – Video of HLS faculty Charles Ogletree and Nancy Gertner

11:30 – Gary Drinkard, Board member of Witness to Innocence and exonerated Alabama death row prisoner

 

12:00 – Lunch (provided)

  • Honoring Judge George N. Leighton (HLS '46), U.S. District Court of Northern District of Illinois, retired

1:00Keynote address: "Defiance and Resistance to Gideon" – Stephen Bright, President and Senior Counsel, Southern Center for Human Rights

 

1:45 – Marc Bookman, Director, The Atlantic Center for Capital Representation

 

2:15 – Panel 2 on MyGideon and training, moderated by Robert J. Smith, Assistant Professor of Law, UNC School of Law

  • Cathleen Bennett, Criminal Defense Training Director, Committee for Public Counsel Services
  • Stephen Singer, Assistant Clinical Professor, Loyola University College of Law
  • Jeff Sherr, Education and Strategic Planning Manager, Kentucky Department of Public Advocacy

3:15 – Renée Hutchins, Associate Professor of Law, University of Maryland School of Law

3:45 – Dehlia Umunna, Acting Deputy, Director and Clinical Instructor at the Criminal Justice Institute (CJI) at Harvard Law School

4:00 – Screening of Gideon's Army documentary

 

5:30 – Conversation with Gideon's Army director Dawn Porter and Ronald Sullivan, Clinical Professor of Law & Director, Criminal Justice Institute, Harvard Law School

Shackling Incarcerated Women While Giving Birth

It is almost inconceivable. Unless you're a prison activist. Unless you have worked behind bars. Unless you are a woman who watched her cell mate come back bereft to the unit after giving birth in leg irons and chains around her wrists. Or unless you are someone who actually went through this yourself. It's a human rights issue and named so by organizations around the world. But 32 states in the U.S. continue this barbaric practice, including my home state of Massachusetts.


                 Photo posted on
Black Talk Radio Network                    


Recently a major human rights report submitted in August by the ACLU, the International Human Rights Clinic at the Chicago Law School, and Chicago Legal Advocacy with Incarcerated Mothers recommended a federal law banning the practice, and that all states enact law to demand anti-shackling. Those states that have such laws should review them and update if necessary, and the U.S. should "conduct an empirical study to determine the scope of shackling in U.S. prisons and to understand why the practice of shackling pregnant women persists."

Good idea! It's crazy to imagine a woman might run while she is giving birth. And "flight risk" is one of the main things that causes prisons to enact these barbaric practices, said ACLU lawyer and prison rights advocate Amy Fettig who spoke at Framingham State University recently.

All experts on this subject say that shackling is harmful to the life of the child. According to Nation Inside, "shackling a woman by her wrists and ankles hampers her ability to move to alleviate the pain of her contractions. This increases stress on the woman’s body and may decrease the flow of oxygen to her fetus." They cite medical professionals such as the American Medical Association, the American College of Nurse-Midwives and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists who have weighed in on this.

The recent human rights report above, entitled The Shackling of Incarcerated Women, also states that shackling violates the U.S. Constitution and international law because it is cruel and unusual punishment. Additionally, it disproportionately impacts women of color. It spells out that restraints should never be used.

Vikki Law and Tina Reynolds, two experts in this area, gave an interview in 2012 on Birthing Inside which I found on Black Talk Radio Network . They said, "Five to six percent of women entering jails and prisons each year are pregnant. Many will spend the duration of their pregnancies behind bars, which means that even if they do not give birth while incarcerated, they must rely on the prison’s prenatal care, which is often inadequate and sometimes can jeopardize their pregnancies."

I saw this at Framingham Women's Prison when I taught there, heard the horror stories as women turned up in my classes to describe such treatment. It's difficult not to ask if such a tactic is really designed to protect the prison from a prisoner running away or if it is designed for sheer humiliation. The keeper once again shows power over the kept. Or to paraphrase William Butler Yeats in his famous poem, "The Second Coming," the falconer does not heed the falcon.

Many advocates across the country are working to change this practice, turn policy into actual law in some states and make laws that are meaningful in others. Law and Reynolds added in their comments that  "It’s important to remember that we cannot wait for prison administrators and legislators to see the light; we have to constantly remind them that shackling pregnant prisoners is not only a medical issue, but also a human rights abuse that will not be tolerated."